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Presidential pardons in Sri Lanka: An unchecked executive power?

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Sunil Ratnayake who was convicted of a massacre on December 19, 2000 at Mirusuvil in Jaffna was released on presidential pardon in March, 2020.

 

On March 26, 2020, President Gotabaya Rajapaksa granted a presidential pardon to former Lance Corporal Sunil Rathnayake, a prisoner on death row for the murder of eight persons in Mirusuvil in 2000. Rathnayake was sentenced to death by a Trial-at-Bar bench of the Colombo High Court in June 2015. In the case of Rathnayake Mudiyanselage Sunil Ratnayake Vs Attorney General, SC TAB 01/2016, decided in April 2019, a five-judge bench of the Supreme Court affirmed this sentence.   

Black’s Law Dictionary defines a ‘pardon’ as ‘an act of grace’, granted by the executive authority to an individual convicted of an offence, which exempts him from the legal punishment imposed upon him, following his conviction.   
The power to pardon is vested in the executive,arguably as a ‘check’ on the powers of the judiciary, as it provides a means of rectifying any miscarriage of justice. However, leaving this executive power ‘unchecked’ could result in abuse. This article explores how Sri Lanka has exemplified the abuse of presidential pardons, as present and former presidents have granted controversial pardons using this executive power.   

Controversial use of presidential pardons: a brief recap

In the past, several Sri Lankan presidents have used their power to grant controversial pardons in some high-profile cases. For instance, former President Maithripala Sirisena granted two such presidential pardons during his term in office. In May 2019, he pardoned secretary general of the hardliner Sinhala-Buddhist group Bodu Bala Sena, Ven. Galagoda aththe Gnanasara Thera. The prelate was serving a six-year prison sentence for contempt of court imposed by the Court of Appeal in August 2018 (Galagoda aththe Gnanasara Vs. Attorney General, CA (CC) Application No. 04/2016). His subsequent appeals against the prison sentence filed in the Court of Appeal and Supreme Court were dismissed. The second controversial pardon by President Sirisena was granted on November 9, 2019 to Don Shramantha Jude Anthony Jayamaha, who was sentenced to death in the Royal Park Murder case by the Court of Appeal in 2012. The Supreme Court in 2014 affirmed this sentence. The President’s pardon was reportedly on the basis of requests made by the Buddhist clergy, and other parties, including the considering of reports prepared by the Prisons Department and several other state institutions.   
The pardoning of Mary Juliet Monica Fernando, the wife of a former Minister of Parliament is another example of a controversial pardon. She was sentenced to death for a double murder in 2005. Subsequently, on International Women’s Day in March 2009, former President Mahinda Rajapaksa granted her a presidential pardon. In addition to the above high-profile pardons, Sri Lankan presidents have routinely granted mass scale pardons to persons convicted of minor offences. These pardons are usually granted on special days, such as Independence day, Vesak day and Christmas.   

Presidential pardons and Sri Lankan Constitution

Article 34(1) of the Sri Lankan Constitution empowers the president to pardon an offender convicted of any offence in any Sri Lankan court. When an offender has been sentenced to death, the Constitutional process is as follows: (1) the president shall require the judge who tried the case to make a report; (2) it shall be forwarded to the AG for his advice; (3) thereafter, the report shall be sent to the Minister of Justice to forward to the president with his recommendation.   

Re-thinking presidential pardons

The cases discussed above indicate that in Sri Lanka, the granting of presidential pardons have been abused, as they seem to have undermined the role of the judiciary, rather than rectify miscarriages of justice. This is evidenced by the fact that several sentences in the above cases were affirmed by the Supreme Court, which is the ‘highest and final superior court of record in the Republic’, as highlighted in Article 118(c) of the Constitution. Therefore, presidential pardons should be subject to checks and balances. Such checks and balances are vital to uphold the separation of powers between the three branches of government – a doctrine incorporated in the Sri Lankan Constitution.   
Some countries have empowered their judiciaries to review executive pardons. For instance, in the UK, the courts have the jurisdiction to review the exercise of the Royal Prerogative of Mercy by the Monarch (on advice of the justice secretary) ‘in accord with accepted public law principles’. Thus, in the UK, the power to grant pardons does not go unchecked. Meanwhile, in India, through the landmark case of Epuru Sudhakar & Anor v. Government of Andhra Pradesh & Ors, the Indian Supreme Court held that it has jurisdiction to judicially review the pardoning power of the President.   

Recourse available in Sri Lanka

In Sri Lanka, except decisions to declare war, the official decisions of a president may be challenged by invoking the fundamental rights jurisdiction of the Supreme Court as per Article 35(1) of the Constitution. This mechanism was introduced through the Nineteenth Amendment to the Constitution. As such, a solution to ‘check’ controversial presidential pardons is available in Sri Lanka,thus upholding the separation of powers. This remedy has been used to challenge the presidential pardons granted to Gnanasara, Jayamaha, and Ratnayake. 

Conclusion

The current practice of granting presidential pardons in Sri Lanka is deeply problematic. However, the course of action provided through the 19th Amendment for the Supreme Court to review pardons is a positive feature in Sri Lanka’s constitutional framework. It can provide an avenue to maintain checks and balances on executive power, and prevent a culture of injustice, which undermines the rule of law.   
The writer is a Research Assistant attached to the Legal Research team at Verité Research, an interdisciplinary think tank that provides strategic analysis and advice for governments and the private sector in Asia. For comments andinquiries, contact publications@veriteresearch.org.

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  Comments - 4

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  • Sam Monday, 20 July 2020 07:37 AM

    This certainly shows the danger of the 2/3 majority requirement.

    dickie bird Tuesday, 21 July 2020 06:26 PM

    What is the danger? If it is godd for Trump

    Ex Baiya Friday, 24 July 2020 07:32 PM

    An excellent article by a well read and learnt writer.

    rss Monday, 27 July 2020 07:36 AM

    It is a good example for Mr.Sumanthiran's approach. Mr.Sumanthiran may think that releasing criminals like this can help to find a solution to ethnic problem


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