False assumptions and erroneous theorisation

16 April 2014 03:52 am - 0     - {{hitsCtrl.values.hits}}

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There is a school of thought that believes that the common action programme of the Left with the UNP was a meaningless exercise, to say the least. They go on to claim that it was helpful to the UNP leader to stabilise his leadership within the party, but brought discredit to the left leaders. On the other hand they believe that the collapse of the mass support of the government, shown in the recent elections, was an outcome of the policies of the government. Also it is not such a setback for the government. Especially, they accuse the NSSP of betraying the policies of the founder of Fourth International, Leon Trotsky. Their thinking is based on false assumptions combined with erroneous theorisation. In the first place they have not understood the stage we passed after the ruthless devastation of the Vanni district. In order to defeat the Tamil insurgency the government used systematic crushing and insurgents were eliminated with a large number of people who were virtual prisoners of the situation. This victory was used to mobilise the Sinhala village masses to install a fascist-style regime in the country. It went beyond a Constitutional dictatorship by mobilising chauvinist masses to undermine the state structure; thus becoming an illegitimate rule. From 2009 this regime that manipulated chauvinist masses, expressed the idea that they will rule for years to come and this is an apex of Sinhala history. Even though opposition and protests were there at the beginning, fear was widespread. Killings, disappearances and political victimisation brought fear into the masses. Organisations including trade unions were scared to come out. Media suffered by assassinations and disappearances.




Election agreements, Parliamentary compromises concluded between the revolutionary party and the social democracy serve, as a rule, to the advantage of the social democracy. Practical agreements for mass action, for purposes of struggle, are always useful to the revolutionary party


It is in such situations that we have to remember what Trotsky said about fascism. It is true that what we have is only a Homo habilis version of fascism. Not racism but only the style of fascism, but we have to study the basic characteristics. Trotsky said “Theoretically, the victory of fascism is undoubtedly an evidence of the fact that democracy has exhausted itself; but politically, the fascist regime preserves democratic prejudices, recreates them, inculcates them into the youth, and is even capable of imparting to them, for a short time, the greatest strength. Precisely in this consists one of the most important manifestations of the reactionary historic role of fascism.” This is a magnificent explanation of the behaviour of the fascist type. The Mahinda regime displayed a populist democratic attitude to the Sinhala Buddhist petty bourgeoisie. Its influence flowed into the proletariat as well. However these bonds were utilised to hunt out leftist as ‘Tigers’ even in workplaces and to bash the media people. In particular NGO workers connected to peace and human rights campaigns were threatened with death. With all these for a short time of a few years Mahinda showed great strength. But with the struggle launched by the protest of the opposition, Mahinda was exposed. Elections showed that the blows were severe enough to break the back of the fascistic regime.

Theoretically, the victory of fascism is undoubtedly an evidence of the fact that democracy has exhausted itself; but politically, the fascist regime preserves democratic prejudices, recreates them, inculcates them into the youth, and is even capable of imparting to them, for a short time, the greatest strength


This is what Trotsky said of those who failed to see the difference between popular fronts for Parliamentary coalitions and action fronts against fascist mass mobilisations.  “The trouble is that in the Central Committee of the Communist Party there are many frightened opportunists. They have heard that opportunism consists of a love for blocs, and that is why they are against blocs. They do not understand the difference between, let us say, a Parliamentary agreement and an ever-so-modest agreement for struggle in a strike or in defence of workers’ print shops against fascist bands. Election agreements, Parliamentary compromises concluded between the revolutionary party and the social democracy serve, as a rule, to the advantage of the social democracy. Practical agreements for mass action, for purposes of struggle, are always useful to the revolutionary party. No common platform with the social democracy, or with the leaders of the German trade unions, no common publications, banners or placards. March separately, but strike together! Agree only on how to strike, whom to strike, and when to strike! Such an agreement can be concluded even with the devil himself and his grandmother - on one condition, not to bind one’s hands.”
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