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The Rajapaksa government has been defeated at the vote held at the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC). However much has been attempted internationally and locally to project this as a defeat of the country it is really a defeat for the government; more correctly a defeat of the foreign policy of the Rajapaksa government. The defeat in Geneva could be defined as the manifestation of the failure of policies of the Rajapaksa government.
The adoption of a resolution that could be used unfavourably towards Sri Lanka in Geneva is the final logical step of a long-term process that is linked to human rights. The emergence of such jeopardy was pointed out continuously by the JVP and several civil society organizations during the last three years. However, it is evident that the government was pushed towards this defeat due to its inability to comprehend international affairs and its inability to consider others’ opinions due to its arrogance.
With the defeat of the military front of separatism on 19th May, 2009 a precious unprecedented opportunity was created for a government. However, the speech made by President Mahinda Rajapaksa in Parliament that day, one that was anticipated by the whole Nation, did not contain any reference to indicate that he had recognized the golden opportunity made available by history. It was merely a declaration of his attempt to make use of the military victory for his political agenda. There was no programme to heal the broken ties between Sinhalese, Tamil, Muslim and other communities, to develop immediately the physical destruction created by the war, to resettle those who were displaced, assist them to live normal lives and disclose the fate of their relatives and loved ones who have disappeared. An important matter that was neglected was a plan to prevent interventions by the ideological front of separatism and imperialists on the pretext of human rights.
Instead, what we did see, as we had been pointing out in this forum, was an administration that used military victories for petty political benefits and to win elections; an arbitrary administration that burdens the masses with its prodigal and corrupt conduct and that justifies suppressing masses that take to the streets to defend their rights, that maintains a semi-military administration in the North and hands over fertile lands in the East and elsewhere to India and multi-national companies.
It is an administration that reversed the 17th amendment which opened up minimum democratic space and adopted, (with the 2/3rd majority it manipulated in Parliament by winning over members from the opposition with benefits, privileges and favours) the 18th amendment. The government craves for power, power and more power.
Amidst all this the government that reaches agreements with imperialist institutions such as the Internal Monetary Fund, World Bank and World Trade Organization and risks the security of the country by having an agreement with the United States to facilitate its security forces in the country; is also appealing to the people to take to the streets against imperialist interventions— this is nothing short of a joke. The situation that sprang up due to not taking the necessary measures or the failure to do what was necessary only paved the way for imperialist interventions.
This is why the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission had to be appointed, due to the pressure from imperialists. The government is not aware that once you bend your knees there is no end to it. Finally, there was pressure to satisfy interests of imperialists and to implement its recommendations. This is the essence of the resolution adopted in Geneva. Also, there are more conditions for the act. This is why the resolution includes the clause that LLRC recommendations should be implemented under supervision of the Human Rights Council. There is no use in closing the stable after the horse has bolted. This is why Minister Mahinda Samarasinghe’s hue and cry before the HRC, stating that recommendations of the LLRC could be implemented without the assistance of others and therefore a new resolution was unnecessary—had no effect.
The adoption of the resolution in Geneva also exposed the deliberate deception of the Rajapaksa government. The adoption of the resolution has challenged the policy of the government of making statements in English before foreign representatives and rejecting it in Sinhalese before the masses in the country.
When Indian Foreign Minister Krishna visited Sri Lanka President Mahinda Rajapaksa had said he was prepared to give 13 plus—this was stated by Krishna himself. However, after Krishna went back the President said he did not say such a thing. The people were confused as to whom to believe. Now, the mask has been removed. The government has no alternative but to appear on behalf of imperialists; to present imperialists’ proposals before the masses as if they are those of the government.
The chieftains of the government would try, as a habit, to see whether the masses could be bemused at least for a little while by beating their chests with patriotic rhetoric. However, it is more likely that implementing LLRC recommendations, which also include devolution of power, would commence. There is no reason for the proposals of the economic front of imperialism such as floating the rupee, doing away with fuel subsidy, slashing the relief for the poor and increasing prices of essential public utility services or the devolution of power—the proposals of the political front of the imperialists, being implemented. The Rajapaksa government would not be able to exist without carrying out what had been agreed upon with imperialist countries. The life of this government will be definitely shortened when they have to reap in front of the masses what they have sown behind their back.