Reconciliation is Possible and Necessary

Reconciliation in its diverse forms is a necessary condition for social peace and political stability. Reconciliation is necessary when two or more parties have been or are in conflict with each other. Trade unions were established in capitalist societies to facilitate negotiation with the capital to win higher wages and better working conditions. The existence of legitimate organisations of professionals, businesses, students, teachers, consumers, citizens, journalists, etc. has enabled these groups to negotiate with parties that they are in conflict with and often create mutually acceptable conditions for cooperation and co-existence.


"necessary when two or more parties have been or are in conflict with each other. Trade unions were established in capitalist societies to facilitate negotiation with the capital to win higher wages and better working conditions"


When disputes and conflicts are not amicably settled, aggrieved parties remain unhappy and frustrated. At times, they take the law into their own hands. As is well known, many long standing land disputes at times lead to tragic outcomes such as assassination of entire families by the aggrieved party. Personal disputes at times lead to similarly tragic results. When it comes to social and political disputes involving large segments of a country’s population, the situation is more complex and the perpetrators and victims are often not personally involved in the disputes. Thousands of innocent people who were killed during the thirty year conflict in all parts of the country, particularly in the north-east, did not have any personal dispute with their killers. People who raided villages with their guns and swords in the night and killed inhabitants at random often do not know their victims. But, the perpetrators labeled them before killing their victims. So, the latter died as members of a labeled community.
These labels eventually became so widely referred to in the media that they became household categories. Thus, the conflict in the north- east became a Sinhala- Tamil conflict, though many Sinhalese and Tamils did not see it that  way. When the Muslims were subsequently drawn into the conflict, the issues became even more complex.

As is well known the country’s ethnic conflict pre-dates the period of the violent confrontation. The broad ethnic communities were already distinct constituencies towards the end of the British rule. Social, economic and political integration of diverse communities within the post-colonial state was a major challenge already at the time of independence. The granting of universal adult franchise leading to political mobilisation of masses, a rapidly increasing population exerting growing pressure on economic resources, in particular land and the rising expectations of an emerging youthful population due to the spread of universal free education prepared the ground for severe inter- community competition for valued public goods in the next few decades.
 The British colonial rule in the country lasted for nearly hundred and fifty years and resulted in a major transformation of much of its landscape, social and political institutions and the economy. The establishment of plantations was the hallmark of the colonial economic policy and converted large tracks of land into tea and rubber estates in much of the wet zone. While the native population was mostly dependent on peasant agriculture for their sustenance, the plantations required the importation of Tamil workers from south India. Establishment of a road and rail network linking almost all parts of the country together, introduction of basic healthcare and elementary education, eradication of Malaria and the general improvement of socio- economic conditions contributed to a significant reduction in mortality rates leading to population growth. Population more than doubted between 1871, the year of the first census of population, and 1946. Population pressure was increasing in the south- west and the central regions where the plantations flourished from the early 19th century onwards.


" The British colonial rule in the country lasted for nearly hundred and fifty years and resulted in a major transformation of much of its landscape, social and political institutions and the economy "

In the absence of any industrialisation, increasing population had relied on agriculture for which land was the most critical input. Establishment of peasant colonisation schemes in the north central and south-eastern dry zone was increasingly perceived by the authorities as a way to defuse population pressure in the south west and create livelihood opportunities for landless and unemployed people. While the rehabilitation of already abandoned ancient irrigation infrastructure in the dry zone was a key strategy adopted, the establishment of new irrigation schemes in areas bordering the north and east was also pursued as a way of accommodating more and more people in new settlements.

The expansion of peasant colonisation schemes in the areas bordering the north and east as well as in some parts of the north east region and settlement of some rural peasants from the south in these new schemes has been subsequently criticised as a deliberate attempt by the state to establish Sinhala colonies in the predominantly Tamil areas. When the north east conflict escalated, many of these Sinhala settlements were attacked by the LTTE, persuading the government to recruit, train and deploy thousands of armed home guards to provide security to these villages.
Population pressure increased further after independence. From 1946 to 1971, population doubled again. In the absence of any significant industrialisation, the expanding labour force had to be accommodated in rural areas. Declining profitability of agriculture due to land fragmentation and increasing cost of production and rising levels of educational attainment among youth encouraged the latter to move away from agriculture. The state centred development policy of the government from the mid 1950’s onwards curtailed private enterprise, and the state sector became the largest employer of white collar workers. While the state continued to recruit more and more people, often to defuse social and political unrest, unemployment rate among educated youth remained very high, leading to unrest among youth across all ethnic groups.

"Population pressure increased further after independence. From 1946 to 1971, population doubled again. In the absence of any significant industrialisation, the expanding labour force had to be accommodated in rural areas"

Field research conducted in many peasant settlements in the areas bordering the north and east as well as in the northern and eastern provinces shows that the villages inhabited by peasants belonging to different ethnic communities had mutually beneficial and corporative relationships with each other. i.e. exchange of labour, trade, participation in common festivities, mutual social visits, etc. The villagers had also learned each others’ languages through informal interactions. On the other hand, upwardly mobile younger generations have had a different experience.
Sri Lanka inherited a denominational system of education from the colonial past. Since religious missions dominated the education system during the colonial period, religious identity and orientation of schools was inevitable. Native elites later copied this system and established privileged urban schools bearing a new set of religious labels , i.e. Buddhist, Hindu and Islamic. This system has persisted to this day. This pattern was further reinforced when the native languages became the media of instruction. A de facto ethno- linguistically segregated system of education was institutionalised throughout the country, keeping children and youth belonging to different ethnic groups virtually separated from each other during the most important, formative years of their lives. Their mutually exclusive ethno-religious identities already inherited from family are further reinforced in school. Often without the ability to speak a second language, younger generations have remained cut off from the communities other than their own. It is not surprising that many such youth have been receptive to sectarian political ideologies, both in the north and the south.

 Post- independence state policies have impacted on the life chances of youth in decisive ways. Increasing control over economic resources from the 1950’s onwards, highly centralised nature of the state and increasing politicisation of state institutions alienated underprivileged youth, in particular minority youth. Youth revolts emerged from time to time from the early 1970’s onwards. Militant youth groups in the north perceived the Sri Lankan state as one dominated by one ethno religious group and it was not so difficult for them to mobilise disaffected youth to wage war against it, at least since the early 1980’s.
 What is outlined above is no doubt a familiar story to many readers. It is necessary to re-state it as a backdrop to a brief discussion on the need for reconciliation. Reconciliation, however is not simply a technical process whereby the grievances of an aggrieved party are redressed by relevant state institutions.

The brutality of the war reduced a wide ranging conflict to a contest between the Sri Lankan security forces on one hand and the LTTE on the other, thereby pushing many complex aspects of the conflict described earlier to the background. When the war ended, many felt that the problem was behind us, without realising that the country remained as divided as ever. At the height of the conflict, extremist views came to the foreground, pushing moderate voices to the background. The end of the war did not change this at all.

Ethno-religious and linguistic diversity in Sri Lanka is a fact. Nor are these diverse communities randomly distributed in the country. The diversity also continually reproduced socially, culturally and institutionally. Acceptance and respect for such diversity is a pre-condition for co-existence and reconciliation. Yet, the key challenge is how to integrate diverse ethnic communities into mainstream politics, the economy and  institutions. While a reasonable political settlement may address the macro political issue, past public policies that have contributed to the conflict need to be revisited and reformed. Equally important are institutional reforms that are necessary to accommodate all ethnic communities equitably. In short, while respecting cultural diversity, all efforts need to be made to structurally integrate communities so that they feel that they have equal opportunities devoid of discrimination and marginalisation. Issues cannot be left to the respective communities to sort out among themselves. The state has to play a catalytic role, in an equitable and non- partisan manner.