“History repeats itself, first as a tragedy, second as farce”
The above sentence was an ornament Karl Marx’ added to the beginning of Chapter One of his masterpiece, ‘The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte’, which endeavored to explain in
elegant style how in times of revolutionary conflicts those involved often blind themselves in the political, and ideological symbols of past generations, but in a farcical form when initially they all failed tragically.
Political leadership was one vital ingredient that lacked in the Aragala movement and that very independent condition caused its cessation. The highly successful August 1953 Hartal or the violent mass uprising against the Dudley Senanayake government over the price increase in rice ration was organized and led by the Marxist leaders of LSSP, NLSSP and CP; however, the real benefactors of the historic insurrection were Bandaranaike and his SLFP that won elections defeating UNP three years later.
The unpretentious apolitical youth who created history by evicting the most powerful regime failed to reap the benefits while the Red Comrades brutishly grabbed that opportunity defeating all opposition stakeholders, including Pohottu-dissidents fairly squarely. Their learning is beyond the unsophisticated mentality of the present political leadership. And by being so lethargic and fearful in the organization to resolving many complex issues that challenge the country of today, both Sajith and Anura have become enablers of the very system that aragalaya youth wished to end and replace. The two most formidable political parties, Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) and Samagi Jana Balavegaya (SJB) are impatient; their respective leaderships amply displayed hesitancy, reluctance, and haplessness when the call was for an authentic, vigorous, and steadfast approach to the political, social and economic, expedition of the nation after the collapse of Rajapaksa regime. Their leadership’s approach to lead the Aragalaya was met with hostility, and in SJB’s case its leader had a narrow escape at the hands of maverick youth.
Premadasa-Wijeweera Bloodbath-88/89
“Ranil’s hands are soaked with blood,” says the orator son of former president, while the leader of the Jathika Jana Balawegaya - JVP leader, Anura Kumara Dissanayake has issued a strict warning to president Ranil Wickremesinghe for attempting to repress people’s uprisings in a “barbaric manner” over the unfortunate death of a demonstrator.
The environment was polluted as usual with the smoke emanating from burning ‘rubberized’- human carcasses, on one evening in late 1988, I was standing outside my gate, talking to two neighbours about the previous night’s tragic detection of eight half-burnt bodies on tyre-pyres a stone throws away. Four bearded young men walked up to us and questioned on our ‘task’ outside the home, and ‘ordered’ us to disperse. With little or no choice, we moved out temporarily allowing them to proceed, and regrouped once they passed beyond their vision. Within a few minutes, three men who looked like part of a security contingent, and in civvies, with one of them carrying an automatic firearm hidden under his jersey confronted us in the same manner and ordered us in. The first gang was JVP/DJV and the second was from the security network of local UNP MP. Sensing some serious destructive event on the cards we dispersed.
In less than an hour, something similar to the sound of crackers echoed the air. The junior minister and his ‘keep’ a resident of the area escaped the assault, leaving the poor driver and two
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During the heightened terror reigned in 1988/89, hundreds of charred bodies, massacred by JVP/DJV and government thrown on the road to instill fear among supports of the insurgents and the government
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bodyguards who were slow in their retaliation facing T-56 bullets of the ‘November heroes’. The junior minister in Premadasa government who was visiting his mistress, half a km away from my residence was targeted by the JVP-NPP, sorry the JVP/DJV [Deshapremi Janatha Viyaparaya]. The Government’s official and unofficial ‘troupes’ responded the same night displaying six charred bodies of youth near the bridge. This is just one of a series of tragic occurrences of 1988’/89’ that the writer personally experienced.
Do not doubt the sincerity of the two leaders in their laments over the dead man. The two leaders are now locking horns in a battle for supremacy with JVP holding the edge. One cannot blame them for the mayhem of 88’/89’ being sons and junior party men for they are not responsible in the slightest manner for the brutality of their parents and masters. However, none of them have condemned the atrocities of 88/89, but instead they proudly boast of “November Heroes” and the other pompously declares himself as, “Premadasage Putha….”
"Arbitrary detention, disappearances, torture chambers, and mass graves were used as weapons by Premadsa regime against Wijeweera’s boys. The JVP’s biggest fans then were young impoverished Sinhalese youth from rural areas and undergraduates"
Arbitrary detention, disappearances, torture chambers, and mass graves were used as weapons by Premadsa regime against Wijeweera’s boys. The JVP’s biggest fans then were young impoverished Sinhalese youth from rural areas and undergraduates. Those who lived through the terror reign of ‘88 - ‘89 will remember the cruel punishments meted out by the Wijeweera ‘viruwo’ to those who disobeyed them and returned from the polling booth after casting their vote. Three-and-a-half decades have passed since the JVP’s second revolt, there is little to advocate that they have transformed their hostile ways; they are threatening the state with “hook or crook” methods. Both the JVP and government, displayed the bodies of their victims to serve as a warning to the rest. Mutilated bodies strewn about in the open were a common site in all parts of the island. Ban on military connections, commercial shutdowns and electoral boycotts, were ordered by the JVP on ‘chits’, death is the punishment for violators.
One of the most vicious killings was the family of Udugampola, DIG, they labelled him as the ‘slaughterer’. In July, 1988, they raided his home in Poddala and burned his house after locking up his mother, brother, sister-in-law, and two young children inside.
Most of the killings were done in secret. In Tissamaharama in 1987, the JVP conducted an anti-government protest, and the government retorted by shooting. Vigilante squads shot dead villagers in retaliation. In 1989, after the JVP/DJV killed the families of some army men in Panadura, Kundasale, and Aranagala, vigilante groups [PRAA and Yellow Cats] in return murdered young men suspected to be supporters of JVP; more than 100-150 people were killed by them too.
There were journalists who did not fear to report the slaughters. The best example is Richard de Zoysa, a very well-known artist, human rights activist senior journalist and a member of one of the most powerful affluent families five decades ago. He was taken away in the night by the authorities promising his mother the safe return after recording a statement. However, his mutilated body, as reported, had been dumped at sea by a helicopter. Mother, identified his kidnapper to be one Gunasinghe, an SSP, and close confidante of President Premadasa.
The number of murders has been assessed to be at least 35,000-60,000; with the majority attributable to the state. The bhishanaya was perhaps the nastiest time to be in Sri Lanka. In the north, the war was intense. If you are aligned with one terrorist group, you could find yourself the target of another. In the south, you could be the victim of a terrorist attack by the JVP.
Crocodile tears!
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