Scrap Provincial Council Elections: Fund What Works

• Provincial Councils were created in 1987 under the 13th Amendment as a wartime power-sharing measure. 
• The loudest calls for PC elections come from politicians, not citizens. For parties, PCs are a training ground and a patronage network. 

By Sharmila Gonawela  

 Sri Lanka has functioned without Provincial Councils since 2019. Schools opened, hospitals treated patients, roads were repaired and disaster relief reached villages. If the country runs for seven years without a layer of government, we must ask whether we truly need it back.  

Duplication, Not Devolution   

We already have three working layers. Parliament sets national policy and controls the budget. Pradeshiya Sabhas, Municipal and Urban Councils collect garbage, maintain local roads, issue permits and run libraries. Central ministries deliver health, education and agriculture through District and Divisional Secretariats that exist in every district.   

Provincial Councils sit between them. Most PC powers are on the “concurrent list,” meaning Colombo can still overrule them. The result is two bureaucracies managing the same job. When a project stalls, the PC blames Colombo for funds and Colombo blames the PC for execution. Citizens are left with no clear owner.  

Cost We Can’t Ignore   

One Provincial Council election costs an estimated LKR 4 to 6 billion. After that come salaries for 455 members, 45 ministers, staff, vehicles, and nine office complexes. Yet over 80 percent of PC budgets come from central grants with strict conditions. PCs raise little revenue of their own. We are paying for political offices, not independent service delivery.  

Voter behaviour tells the same story. PC elections historically drew about 60 percent turnout, well below Presidential and Parliamentary polls. People engage when the body controls things that matter. PCs do not control police, major taxes, or borrowing. They cannot truly prioritize local needs.  

Original Purpose Has Expired   

Provincial Councils were created in 1987 under the 13th Amendment as a wartime power-sharing measure. The conflict ended in 2009. keeping a law, institution, or policy running simply because it already exists, not because it still serves a purpose.  

Political Motive, Not Public Need   

The loudest calls for PC elections come from politicians, not citizens. For parties, PCs are a training ground and a patronage network. They provide posts for mid-level organisers, access to contracts, and a year-round political presence between national elections. The demand is to strengthen the party on the ground, not to improve service for the people.   

The contradiction is striking. The same politicians who condemn Provincial Councils as a system “introduced and forced by the Indian government” now insist elections must be held. If the structure was illegitimate then, why is it essential now? The shift exposes the motive. When PCs are out of your control they are foreign interference. When you can capture them they become vital for democracy. This is not about the people. It is about political real estate.  

Fund the Level Closest to People   

If the goal is better service, the money should go where results are visible. Strengthen Pradeshiya Sabhas and Municipal Councils. They are already elected, already local, and already handle the services citizens see weekly. Give them larger block grants and the authority to plan small infrastructure, local health outreach, and community projects.  

District Secretariats can coordinate line ministries without adding another political layer. Add elected district advisory boards for oversight if needed. This keeps expertise in place and adds accountability without the overhead of nine councils.  

What Developed Countries Actually Do   

Across the developed world, resilience and social cohesion are built by empowering the lowest tier of government. Germany’s Gemeinden, Japan’s municipalities, and Denmark’s kommuner control schools, elder care, local planning, and substantial tax revenue. They combine professional staff with elected councils that voters know by name. Decisions are made in town halls, not in distant provincial capitals.  

Because funds and authority sit at the local level, development is meaningful. A village library, a flood drain, or a farmer’s market is planned with residents, delivered fast, and maintained by the same community. That process promotes trust, reduces waste, and builds resilience to economic or climate shocks. Social cohesion grows when people see their taxes at work on their street and when they can hold leaders directly accountable.  

Sri Lanka does not need to revive a costly middle layer to serve party interests. We need to trust and fund the local government authorities we already have. Redirect the billions allocated for PC elections and maintenance into Pradeshiya Sabhas and Urban Councils. Tie funding to performance, publish local budgets online, and let citizens measure results.  

Meaningful development is not about more politicians. It is about shorter distances between a problem and the person who can fix it. Strong local government serves people, promotes real development, and binds communities together.