History repeats itself: But which way? UNP won under identical conditions in 1965; many recurrences of elections in 1960
Winning only 50 seats out of a total of 146 elected members, but with no single party receiving the minimum requirement of 70 the [winning party benefitted with 6 appointees] at March 1960 General elections, Dudley Senanayake, the gentleman politician and statesman took oaths for the third time as PM of then Ceylon on March 22, 1960.
C P de Silva of Polonnaruwa
CP, as he was popularly known, was a Bandaranaike loyalist from Polonnaruwa. The former Civil Servant who became Minister of Agriculture and Irrigation in 1956 was reluctant to give leadership to his party following the assassination of the PM in September 1959. The void created by slain Prime Minster SWRD left a blank, while numerous conspiracy theories circulated with several key party men and names of some cabinet ministers transpiring during the 
investigations. Finally, a reluctant CP came forward to reorganise the party that was heading for certain defeat at March 1960. Members dropped off and there was lack of interest among grassroots supporters as well, especially the Pancha Maha Balavegaya, the power block comprising [Sangha, Veda, Guru, Govi, Kamkaru] monks, Aryurveda physicians, teachers, peasants and labour distancing from the party campaign.
The fate of SLFP was in every aspect was quite similar to today’s predicament prior to Mahinda receiving his nominations to contest from the party. No party received a ruling majority; the highest being 50 seats plus six appointed and four independents supporting [out of 151] by UNP, whose leader Dudley Senanayake was invited to form a minority government, like Maithri did six months ago, he was sworn in as the Prime Minister for the third time by Governor General Sir Oliver Goonetillake. His government was defeated in Parliament at the throne speech vote held on 22 April 1960, within a month of its inauguration.
With the fall of the UNP government, a second Parliamentary Elections became mandatory: It was fixed for July 1960. On this occasion, the assassinated Prime minister’s widow, Sirima Rattwatte Dias Bandaranaike, with the support of few other smaller parties with both right and left leanings, agreed to carry on the mandate of her husband. On July 20, helped by a wave of public sympathy, the SLFP won 75 seats out of 98, fielded under First-Past-the-Post system, though they obtained only 33.6 per cent of the total votes cast.
Meanwhile, the UNP having contested 128 seats won only 30, but raked in 37.6 per cent of the valid votes, a remarkable discrepancy, which justified the introduction of the Proportional Representation [PR] system by JR Jayewardene in 1981.
The LSSP and the CP entered into a no-contest pact with the SLFP and fielded 28 winning 16, [LSSP-12 and CP-4]. Sirima Bandaranaike took oaths as the Prime Minister of Ceylon and gained the unprecedented honour of being the world’s first woman Head of State, an exceptional distinction welcomed universally. The world wondered how it materialised in Ceylon; a record that will remain eternal in mankind’s history.
1965 – 2015 General Elections; a Comparative Analysis
The ex-Civil Servant was SLFPs second in command from SWRD days. When Sirima became party head and Prime Minister in 1960, C. P. de Silva continued as her loyal subordinate until 1964. The second conspiracy was hatched against her government, [The first being the aborted military Coup de tat of 1962] at the end of 1964: The architect being old fox JRJ, who connived with a powerful section in the SLFP led by CP, who played Brutus on this occasion.
A group of Parliamentarians led by C. P. de Silva from Polonnaruwa crossed the floor during the crucial vote on the throne speech held on December 3, 1964, resulting in the fall of the SLFP-LSSP coalition. An election in early 1965 became inevitable. It was rumoured that the difficult task of buying over the required numbers of government MPs to vote against their conscience and defeat the government was handled by Esmond Wickremesinghe, the father of Ranil; however, it was later proved a baseless allegation. [Ref –KM de Silva/Howard Wriggins- Leo Cooper 1994:pp 137-141, for details of the conspiracy and its coincidence with 2015’s Silent Revolution]
Bond Scam of 2015 and 1965’s Secret Pact with Federal Party
The COPE report may be incomplete or erroneous, but the government can make its views known, let people be aware of pros and cons, and thereby initiate a public debate. Good governance means to counter the claims of critics openly and take issues before the public. Opposition will always make wild allegations--they even accuse the ‘Yahapalanaya’ of deliberately dumping the ‘Right to Know’ and ‘Audit Bills’ for fear of bond issue exposure.
It is simple, just kick Mahendran out as advised by the President, rather than destroy PM’s image as Mr. Clean, especially at a time the party is facing a crucial election. Dudley followed a similar line of action in 1965, banning publication of any material in support of an alleged deal or an agreement purported to have reached with powerful North/East based Federal Party led by S. J. V. Chelvanayagam.
A copy of the secret pact was leaked out by veteran Tamil politician V. Naganathan, a week before the election sending shock waves over the electorate. Unlike today, five decades ago the political arena was dominated by Sinhala/Tamil chauvinist’s forces.
The UNP led by Dudley Senanayake formed a common front with seven smaller parties, for the Opposition to label it ‘Hath-hawula’. The coalition comprised Philip Gunawardene [Father of Marxism in SL ], Tamil MPs representing the North and the Sinhala extremists [K. M. P Rajaratne, who once openly declared that he would not have a peaceful sleep until the death of the last Tamil in this island, [The real terminology and wording of his statement is appalling, hence a repetition is avoided], I.M.R.A. Iriyagolla and a few other individuals who held diverse views on political cultural and social issues forming a ‘Rainbow Alliance’ they said aiming to form a National government [like in 2015], to face the defeated but strong Opposition led by SLFP. Dudley’s make-shift seven party coalition received the backing of an influential section of the Bikkhus, while the Right Reverend Malwatte Mahanayake Thera issued an official statement calling the Buddhists to vote for the UNP led alliance, who pledged to set up a National Government with everyone’s blessings; all coincidences.
August 18 will expose both Mahinda and Maithri?
Soothsayer or foresight?
Sumanadasa, the royal astrologer and his team were contemptuously dumped in the dustbin, but the former strong man is not without new self-appointed ‘crystal-ball-gazers’ to confidently predict, Mahinda Rajapaksa will lose.
With or without crystal balls, someone with 48 years in politics, no doubt should possess prudence to make such claims; but for the President to declare, ‘99 per cent in UPFA/SLFP, [of which he is the leader] are not with him, but on his rival’s side, is an abject admission of his incapacity to wield power as a leader.
Mahinda’s image as Duttugemunu, the celebrated ‘Sinhala King who defeated the Tamil King’, for getting rid of Prabha may not be sufficient for a return. He needs time, a couple of years or so to convince the voter and appear as a man of unquestionable integrity and a better democratic leader.
If the 5.8 million voters remain with him, or more correctly, take the trouble to visit the booth on August 17, MR will return the clear winner. But considering the highly unpredictable behaviour patterns of our voter, it is unlikely that 5.8 mantra recited by the Mahinda hangers-on will have any significance.
Furthermore, in the midst of an efficient anti-Rajapaksa campaign launched by both collectively and on individual basis, and the UNP propaganda machine working round the clock, half of the floating vote component of 1.5 mn [25 per cent] would switch over to other side, while the other half losing interest will abstain from going to polling booth— a most likely reality. The comparatively weak campaign of MR camp could be due to ‘privileges’ they enjoyed over long periods of misuse of free State resources, unprecedented free publicity, and the weakened private electronic and print media backing [Usually they give priority for ruling party or shift their loyalties towards the more likely to win].
All elections had been just walk-overs for nine years—now they find it difficult to adjust themselves to strenuous fighting under limited resources available and in a relatively short period of six months.
It is said that a minimum of one year to recover from the shock and trauma and an additional couple of years for re-grouping and planning is a must for achieving results.
“…he is the leader who saved the nation, we have to protect him,”- Ranil
Mahinda Rajapaksa, was described by Ranil, [sans politics] as, “The leader who saved the country, we have to protect him,” addressing the nation over Rupavahini in the wee hours of January 8 from Temple Trees. Coming from his main opponent, those words should have lingered in MR’s ears through a peaceful and dignified retired life instead of committing a second serious mistake within ten months. The political realities are that there will be no bus loads of loyalists and queues at Medamulana on the 18. Maithri, who received an unprecedented 6.2 mn votes on January 8, but on his own admittance, today he enjoys just an insignificant one per cent of UPFA/SLFP support; 99 per cent going Mahinda’s way, precisely, only one-hundredths of votes that the party he leads as Chairman receives.
The 6.2 mn votes being distributed among UNP, JVP TNA SLMC and the Field Marshal, none of them sticking with him any longer, an isolated democrat and statesman Sirisena, will he end his colourful political carrier on a sad note?
They say leave aside party and men, vote for Principles?—‘Principles’; My Foot!
The newest slogan of most of the contestants, especially the smaller groups seems to be, vote for principles. Their principle, the time tested and proved remains, ‘align directly or indirectly with the party with a lead out of the two main giants or go independent during the contest and strike a deal after the elections’. The Hela boys… , with a new identity, who proudly claim, we never lose; obviously, find an excuse to hang on to the winning side. Lack of Principled politics; the nation’s dilemma
Maithri Palanayak…’ or Ranil’s way; can he equal Dudley’s Record?
Politicians, during election campaigns should concentrate only on policy matters with emphasis on the people’s future and not hurl insults and flabbergast rivals by personal attacks.
Rogues and corrupt politicians should be made equal before law; introduction of legal enactments or amendments to the Constitution would prevent them from going to courts seeking redress over possible arrest. The same way reports on findings of Parliamentary committees like COPE and PAC, interim or final should reach the people irrespective of dissolution of the house.
Voters have a sacred right to know the good or bad deeds of their representatives; the proposed legislation has left out two parts of the law deliberately: the ‘Right to Information Act’ and the ‘Audit Bill’ were meant for that purpose.
Seeking legal cover through a court of law, to hide the findings of an investigation on an unprecedented financial scam only exposes the top people’s declining credibility. The President laments on his government’s derelict of responsibilities, but he solicits the support of a team that can carry forward his manifesto, Maithri Palanayak, and he continues, “…MR will lose!”
Ranil, if he romps home, will equal his former leader Dudley Senanayake’s record of being four- time Prime Minister.
What we experienced over the 200 days, the good and bad, convince us that he would dump January 8 manifesto, Maithri Palanayak… saying he received a mandate for his Five Point Plan and bring back his pet Re-awakening Sri Lanka in implementing his own agenda…, fair enough, January 8 is gone! Let this be August 17.
kksperera1@gmail.com
