- President appointed a committee to look into the MCC agreement
- BRI is an opportunity but have to be mindful of accusations against it. We must not fall into a trap
- As far as security is concerned, India is priority
- Neutrality is the pillar of foreign policy resolution is wrong
Additional Secretary to the President for Foreign Relations Admiral Prof. Jayanath Colombage, in an interview with speaks about the foreign policy of the new government, and how it will balance out strategic aspirations of the world powers. Adm. Colombage served the Sri Lanka Navy for a period of 36 years and retired as the Commander of the Navy on July 1, 2014.
Excerpts:
QHow do you describe the foreign policy of the new government?
The foreign policy of the new government is based on some key pillars. The number one is neutrality. President Gotabaya Rajapaksa has repeatedly stated in Sri Lanka and India and in his interaction with the press and the diplomatic community, that his primary responsibility is maintaining neutrality. We don’t want to be labelled or get caught in this power game. There is a power game in the Indian Ocean. There is a power game in the world. Practically, we don’t want to get to any side. This is actually reminiscent of the non-alignment movement in the 1980s up to 1990s. We cannot call it non-aligned foreign policy today because there are no two power blocs. We can call it equal distance foreign policy or friendly foreign policy.
Neutrality should be taken as the corner stone. We want to maintain friendly relations with all the countries irrespective of the size or power. Together with neutrality, we expect the other countries to respect our sovereignty. We are a sovereign nation, equal in the international scene. We want to live in a peaceful environment. We should have our pride as an independent, sovereign nation not to be subjugated by any major power.
QBut, it is challenging for Sri Lanka because world powers have strategic interests in the region. How do you work out friendship with all in absolute sense?
It is very challenging. Before I give you a direct answer, I would say how dangerous it would be for us to take one side or to be really close to one country. In that sense, it is detrimental to our interests to be close to one country. Every country has its own national, individual interests. In the Indian Ocean, the major power competition or strategic competition takes place. We have India, America, Japan, China, Australia, and European Union, England. All are interested in the region. Even the little states such as Pakistan and Bangladesh are interested in it. The strength in Sri Lanka is to be neutral.
QDoes it mean that our foreign policy has not been neutral up to now?
One thing we want to avoid constantly talking about is what happened in the past. We should look to the future. If we dwell upon the past too much, we lose focus. The President is very clear about it. He received a mandate from people at a democratically conducted election. The President wants to make use of it for the future.
QYou mentioned the countries such as India, Japan, America and Australia. Some analysts say they are interested in the region because they want to contain the rise of China. How do you look at it?
Most of the countries are interested in Sri Lanka. Commander of the US-Pacific Command Admiral Harry Harris said in 2016 that Sri Lanka had three distinct advantages. Then, he mentioned the word’ geography’ thrice. It is coming from a very strategic military commander. That the US Pacific Commander talked about Sri Lanka’s geographical location, gives a clear indication of the relevance of Sri Lanka in the strategic context. Similarly for India, Sri Lanka is critically important. Sri Lanka and India are so close to each other. We are separated only by a very narrow strip of water.
Sri Lanka is part of India’s maritime and air security umbrellas because of geographical proximity. We are very much part of India’s strategic space. Therefore, we cannot be a threat to India. We cannot be a threat to India’s security aspirations. We need India and vice versa. America needs us. Japan is not in the Indian Ocean. But, Japan is a net energy importer. Oil and Gas are shipped to Japan across the oceans. A bulk of them is shipped through the India Ocean, just across Sri Lanka. It is south of Dondra. It means Sri Lanka is located on the busiest shipping route in the world. That is the Indian Ocean East-West shipping route.
Therefore, Japan is interested about this energy flow. Similarly, South Korea, China and some ASEAN countries depend on Indian Ocean trade. Sri Lanka is located just 12 nautical miles from the world’s busiest shipping line which is responsible for 72 percent of the world’s energy supplies, 50 percent of containers, 35 percent world bulk cargos per day. We are in a critically important geographical location. That is why all these countries consider Sri Lanka. China considers Sri Lanka as an important hub for their infrastructure development initiative called Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). It was launched in September, 2013. The Hambantota port was developed earlier. The Colombo south expansion project took place even earlier. The port city is the only project that started after the BRI was launched. We, Sri Lankans, look at the BRI as an opportunity. We want to be the maritime hub of the region. We are blessed with deep water harbours. Now the question is how we balance out the strategic aspirations of other players. The answer is being neutral.
QThe western countries see the BRI as an economic project attached with strategic interests. How do you allay such fears?
These are basically accusations coming against the BRI. The stated objective of China is enhancing connectivity- maritime connectivity, development of maritime infrastructure. They say win-win situation. The counter-argument is that China has strategic aspirations and predatory economic interests. They say China has debt trap diplomacy. We are sandwiched between these two ideas. What are the options?
QWhat is Sri Lanka’s perspective?
To my knowledge, Sri Lanka sees this as an opportunity. Sri Lanka is ideally located in the Indian Ocean as a maritime hub. In order to be a maritime hub, our maritime infrastructures and industries should be developed. How can we develop them without funding? We cannot take any more loans. We don’t want to take any lands. In that sense, the BRI is an opportunity. At the same time, we have to be mindful of accusations against it. We must not fall into a trap. We should negotiate on equal terms.
QThe Hambantota port has already been leased out to a Chinese company for 99 years. How would it alter the security interests?
That deal has already been signed. Now trying to change it will be counterproductive. It may be negative for us. It will minimize investor confidence. We have to be very careful in dealing with the agreements signed. In the future, the President is categorical that he will not give the control of strategic assets to anyone. But, it can be a joint venture. We have to look at whether there are national security implications. Otherwise, we can go ahead.
QWhat are the new dimensions of Sri Lanka’s relations with India and China?
As far as security is concerned, our priority is India. For economic aspects, we are open. The President has invited Europe Union, Australia, Singapore and everyone to come and invest. The President asked them not to miss this opportunity. If you miss it, someone will fill this vacuum. That someone is invariably China. This is an opportunity for Sri Lanka.
QYou said India is priority when it comes to security. Could you elaborate it a bit more?
We are not bounded by land to India geographically. We are just 20-25 nautical miles away from India. That is why former Indian National Security Advisor Shiv Sankar Menon wrote a book called ‘choices’ mentioning Sri Lanka as an aircraft carrier in terms of India’s strategic security. If an enemy of India comes and gains a foothold here, it is a threat to India. The sea corridor is so short. In one hour, an Indian warship can be here and vice versa. If you look at the air umbrella, it is even shorter. We are very much part of India’s strategic security consideration. India is the biggest country in the region. If we become a strategic consideration for India, it is not good for us. We should be mindful of it.
QHow are you getting ready for the UNHRC process?
We have started work on it. We want to revisit the process and chart our course for our future. The next session will take place in March. The resolution 30/1 on Sri Lanka will come to full review only in 2021. The President is clear that cosponsoring the resolution 30/1 is wrong. That is the guiding policy of the President. We believe that it was done without the consent of the political leadership, the Cabinet and the Foreign Ministry. In a democratic sense, it means cosponsoring has been done without people’s approval. He would wish to see how best we could move forward.
The President has come out with a new model for reconciliation. It is called the ‘development and security model’. That is development for all citizens of the country. Then, security is for all Sri Lankans.
We believe the basic issues for Sinhala, Tamil and Muslims are similar. They want housing, education for their children, jobs and peaceful environment. The President is keen to address all of them.
QHow do you view the government’s relations with the United States?
The US is the biggest economic, military and diplomatic power in the world. They are a powerful entity in the Indian Ocean. A bulk of our exports goes to the US market. We have to have good relations with them. It does not mean that we should enter into any agreement with them, detrimental to our national security. If we are to enter into any bilateral agreement, it should be properly consulted and put to public approval. We should not enter into an agreement which could be detrimental to our security and sovereignty.
The President appointed a committee to look into the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) Agreement. He will make recommendations into consideration. There is no discussion on the Status Of Forces Agreement. (SOFA).
