Reimagining National Security ; from rhetoric to reality

By: Ravindu Abeysekara

What is National Security? It is a question many ask. It was asked before and was always being asked. Quite recently when it was asked ‘rhetorically’ the question was too artificial, too oblique. However, the question is important because we live in a moment of human history where there are exponential changes and transformations into our way of life.

As the island nation is about to commemorate 77 years of independence, articulation of a National Security Policy or White paper is a timely endevour. It marks the realization of an enduring need that has persisted over the years. There had been a number of previous initiatives undertaken in formulating a cohesive and comprehensive National Security Policy. Ironically, these efforts had failed to materialize due to unknown circumstances. Rationale might have been that such a document would have resulted in revealing the island’s position limiting strategic flexibility or fear of accountability.

 Most importantly, a National Security Policy (NSP) paper also serves the requirement to inform the public, institutions, enterprises, industries, state and non-state actors alike and international partners of our enduring approach to National Security and the evolving strategic environment. The policy paper also intends to provide a shared vision, unity of effort and prioritization of the effective utilization of means, minimizing costs, managing risks and creating opportunities for the country and its citizens. This is also intended as a guard against possibilities of despotic governance. It also provides a reflection of our development path, our democracy and its apparatus. We need to break ourselves from the past and reassess threats, challenges and risks involved. We also need to position ourselves to take advantage and seize opportunities presented and to develop means and ways necessary in the pursuit. Fundamentally, the paper is to be regarded as a roadmap for Strategic Leadership that has been wanting for decades.

Our National Security perspective should encompass the collective realization of our enduring values, interests, aspirations and efforts aimed at guarding, sustaining and advancing against internal vulnerabilities and external threats undermining elements of national power, social cohesion, national will and resilience to succeed in our darkest hours. It is also fundamental in the realization of our vision through opportunities presented locally, regionally and globally.

So, what is National Securit ?

National Security has always been a pivotal concern of any nation-state and is traditionally associated with sovereignty and territorial integrity, namely, protection from external threats. By factors relevant to National Security, one means those features in a State whether of geography, situation, internal politics, population, socio-economic condition, attitudes and ideologies and other facets which can render it vulnerable to security threats from outside and within.

National Security Policy (NSP), is a framework, guiding principle describing how a country provides security for the state and its citizens. Accordingly, it is a formal description of a country’s understanding of its guiding principles, values, interests, goals, strategic environment, threats, risks, and challenges in view of protecting and promoting a nationa’s security and defence. National Security Policy (NSP) stipulates core and essential interests of a state’s perceived threats and possible vulnerabilities which can be exploited to pose risks to national interests, and available opportunities which can be optimized based on which all spectrums of national policy guidelines are derived.

 A National Security Policy is introduced as the principle integrated policy to address all security concerns to the nation from all dimensions such as political, economic, socio-cultural, informational and military in light of the local, regional and global context. The National Security Policy of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka should intend to secure the sovereignty, unitary state and territorial integrity of the country and the well-being of the people and preserve the democratic system of governance, based on the constitution while upholding the national values. The implementation of the National Security Policy shall require respective Ministries utilizing an ends-means-ways framework.

What would be an ideal framework to follow its formulation?

A comprehensive NSP development process should encompass a wide array of actors. Although the drafting and approval stages occur at the highest authority levels, assessment, research and formulation phases must involve expertise and input from all concerned and interested parties. From civil society organizations, academics who perform an oversight role and security sector personnel at every level who implement and experience first-hand the dictates and effects of NSP, up to the Government, ministries, and the Parliament, whose role in overseeing the entire process is of crucial importance.

The appointment of a ‘National Security Advisor (NSA)’ is important. A National Security Advisor shall assist to bridge the gap between National level and concerned stakeholders of National Security. In his or her capacity the National Security Advisor serves as a coordinator, bringing together various government departments, intelligence agencies and military entities to ensure effective coordination of national security policies and strategies. They work to integrate efforts, foster interagency cooperation and facilitate communication among relevant stakeholders. NSA's proximity to the head of state allows other concerned parties to offer insights, expertise, and recommendations on critical security issues. India has a similar position.

The policy document should be a basement for all line ministries and other stakeholders to prepare respective policies as this document comprehensively addresses the top levels of national security priorities and concerns. Thereafter, respective policy makers should collectively understand the rationale and examine the viability, applicability and suitability of all policies before compiling respective policy documents.

Furthermore, it is required to have consultation of the National Security Oversight Committee at the Parliament, consultation of non-governmental actors (Opposition, focused groups, academia, media, experts, civic groups etc.), and also public consultations.

Scanning the Strategic Environment to understand our security priorities

Sri Lanka’s National Security approach is constantly affected by her unique geo-strategic location and the country’s post-independence history. There is a need to understand the reality of our vulnerabilities economically, politically, technologically, environmentally and militarily in a world that has experienced fundamental changes in traditional geopolitics and socio-economic alliances. We live in a century of great disruption, transformation, contentions and convergences. The advent of social media, Internet of Things (IOT), 5G technology, block-chain, artificial intelligence (AI), quantum computing, COVID-19 pandemic, ensuing trade and ideology disputes are hallmarks of the era we live in. In this aspect, we are witnessing a rise of disruptive technologies (creative disruptions), geo-political awareness (nationalism), opposing alliances and theoretical confluence of oceans.

Meanwhile, the evolving geopolitical situation also elevates the country as a regional flashpoint. The recent geo-political and economic flux and contentions from South-China Sea, Himalayas, Arabian Gulf, and the Mediterranean Sea to the Ural Mountains have made us realize a fundamental shift of global order as ‘multilateralism’ is on a collision course. Our assessment of the global security environment suggests that we need to be ready for a resurfacing of perpetual conflict of identities. In this context, global perceptions will be deeply divided and further disintegrate into minute identity matters that will remain absolutely difficult to resolve, leading to harsher decision makings and actions. Thus, Sri Lanka must be aware of blind emulation. We need to be more assertive and pragmatic in our global outreach, or else such would transpire resulting in our very own ‘Sputnik Moment’.

We should also be astute to the illusory state of strategic constructs or exclusive cults, which are only resulting in a buildup of worrying security alliances and been drawn into spaces of contentions and possible future conflicts. In today’s order either you are a hammer or an anvil. Often most states find themselves in the latter quadrant. But let’s not this be our future or let it define us. The principle of ‘rule based order’ or even the ‘sanctions regime’ no longer looks self-evident as it appeared years ago, partly because doubts have risen over its construct and usage. The same benign necessity and the same practical abuse appear in the parties into which each state divides itself opponents and defenders of the ‘rule based order’. The architects of such strategic constructs think their end state is near its meridian, but appears to be only at the cock crowing and the morning star.

However, Sri Lanka cannot be ignorant to the existing global and regional realities. We do find ourselves in an economic stalemate whilst being dragged in a tough contention between two powerful entrenched groups. The island state should be equally concerned on the events transpiring in the high seas and the residual effects of the ‘Himalayan conundrum’ that has direct implications to our interests, peace, prosperity and partnerships. The Indian subcontinent’s security should be accepted as an enduring concern and this should precede our strategic outlook and engagements with regional and extra regional parties. However, such should not undermine the exercise of our sovereignty and the pursuit of our interests. Our assertive neutrality in international relations should be defined as transformative and results oriented nurturing enduring partnerships without political entanglements and military alliances. Certainly, diplomacy is not a zero-sum endevour.

Although, Sri Lanka’s geostrategic location in the Indian Ocean is undisputed, it is no exaggeration that the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) is becoming the backwaters of intensified contentions and conflict between aspiring and existing power players. Historical precedence also needs to be taken into consideration as over millennia the island has suffered consequences due to blindness over its maritime space. This pretext demands that Sri Lanka needs to pursue a pragmatic multipronged path in asserting and securing her interests for prosperity, stability whilst elevating the island as a credible stakeholder in the IOR.

Sri Lanka is an island and her defence, security, development and future challenges should be looked through the premise of her as a maritime nation. In this regard being a maritime island nation, Sri Lanka is challenged by limited natural resources, geographical scale and terrain that other countries price for sustainment and defence. Sri Lanka does lack an immediate hinterland. All the more, we must also appraise the possibility of threats and risks involved with any form of sabotage, criminal or terrorist act into our cyber space, electro-magnetic spectrum, energy distribution and critical infrastructure undermining our virtual security, livelihoods, transactions and connectivity. Ignorance would be catastrophic as we cannot rule out the possibility of such events in a void of essential investments that are critical requirements for our security apparatus.

In addition, the COVID-19 pandemic, the economic dilemma, the ‘MV X-Press Pearl’ disaster and the recent political upheavals have exposed the state’s fundamental fault lines and vulnerabilities. These events and the associated negative externalities have made apparent the flaws of our institutional capacities and capabilities to deal with eventualities and provisions for enduring and sustainable solutions. These events also made realize the endemic existence of many superficial-dogmatic beliefs, political manifestations that had sought sanctuary within our institutions and society creating an environmental of perpetual inertia, denying any form of progress, decisive decision making and change.

Certainly, there is a need for a culture of meritocracy, honesty and pragmatism within and among our institutions, the state and the people. We are also acutely aware of the perennial issue with endemic corruption that is at the core of institutional dysfunctionality. The state and our society should be immune to such divisive constructs and embrace a culture of zero tolerance towards corruption and corrupt practices.

In a world dominated by narratives, propaganda and high immersive media, we find ourselves a deeply divided nation and divided on almost everything from values, politics to identity factors. We should also be astute to avoid emotionally driven narratives and political trappings that would surrender our society into tribalism and make assertive efforts towards a progressive society. Abject denial and negligence at responding and mitigating such paradoxes would be catastrophic for the survival of the nation and the state. Meanwhile, deliberate proxy interventions at eroding and erasing national unity, capitalizing on underlying fault lines of ethnicity, religion, race and language by state and non-state actors cannot be ruled out. Sri Lanka does preserve the right to respond against unwanted intrusions and coercive influences into domestic affairs.

Time and again we have witnessed and experienced the rise of religious entrepreneurs, ethno-political cults and more recently political and social entrepreneurs, of whom some resort to manipulate public realities through various forms of indoctrination, radicalization, mass mobilization, and misinformation challenging societal values, norms, and communal harmony risking peace, security, law and order. Their object is the disruption of normalcy and societal progress. They often present themselves under the façade of ‘social warriors’, parading the ‘entitlement doctrine’, feeding their envy and fragile egos. These toxic groups are effective at influencing targeted segments of society in order to gain power over circumstances. The existing politics, structural and institutional discontent have provided a fertile ground for such inhibitions and these delusional cults and high conflict personalities to proliferate. This shall be a persisting challenge and a delicate matter in governance, whilst ensuring that civil liberty, freedom, fundamental rights and democracy are respected and preserved. Thus, prudent and concerted strategies are highly essential to avoid risks.

National Security depends on political and economic stability. The moment political and economic stability collapse, social crisis erupts. Thus, swift and decisive decisions are to be taken to restore the economy first. Our sources of income and domestic consumptions are highly susceptible to external shocks. In this aspect fiscal discipline and pragmatic monetary and economic policies are a prerequisite. Ironically, we are reaping the results of some disastrous decisions and strategic blunders made since independence and it has become to be conceived whether we as a nation have the moral courage to change this ‘discourse’. We need to discard traditional ways of thinking and adopt fresh perspectives deciding between rhetoric and reality creating opportunities for exponential growth.

 Sri Lanka as a nation state since independence has witnessed a considerable portion of social upheavals, unrests, insurrections and a separatist terrorist war that lasted almost two and half decades. The 2019 Easter Sunday bombings and the events that unfolded in 2022 resulting island wide chaos, calamity and unprecedented violence underscores this worrying phenomenon. A deeper understanding into these sequels suggest that Sri Lanka needs to be more astute and assertive to influences from the periphery to its center. We are aware that mislead engagements create new opportunities for violence, also deepening cleavages that exist in societies, exacerbating inter-group tensions. Thus, the way forward is to articulate a well-conceived and thoughtful engagement which results in positive impact.

Our state institutions, workplaces especially higher education institutions have been infested and become recruitment centers for anti-social corrosive elements invested in divisive politics. These cults, who feel alienated in the political mainstream often try to assert themselves in manipulative ways. Their mode of operandi is particularly aggressive often resorting to intimidation of individuals, businesses and institutions alike. Their objects are inducing a conforming behavior and herd mentality from their target subjects. A closer analysis of these elements reveal that they are constantly driven by their unsatisfied aggressive desires and low self-esteems.

This brings our attention to the youth population, who, forms the most valuable and the most under realized potential of our state. They are the most disadvantaged populace of our societal fabric. Ironically, this same population has become a critical vulnerability of the nation, often exploited, misinformed, misguided, manipulated and herded into bankrupt ideological ‘camps’, led by narcissist personalities hell bent at self-serving and living out of others’ misery and disdain. The lack of structural and institutional reforms, opportunity and social mobility over decades have resulted in a frustrated youth segment who have become envious of the very fundamentals and constructs of our society. It is our responsibility to provide equity of opportunity and social mobility to this vital asset in reshaping Sri Lanka to its fullest form and in the realization of their optimum potentials.

Meanwhile, all Sri Lankans need to appreciate and appraise our unique Buddhist cultural identity that has formed the nucleus of the island’s civilization over millennia. We ought to be proud of this unique civilization inherited by our forefathers and ensure that our individual identities are forged, preserved and harmonized under this umbrella.

Further, Sri Lanka beholds a diverse range of unforeseen internal and external challenges and threats. To redress these challenges we will need to solidify and strengthen our Sri Lankan identity, social cohesion and our national will. We should also be aware on global externalities such as pandemics, recessions, financial market failures, climate change, environmental and man-made disasters in gearing ourselves to respond and mitigate crisis.

In this aspect, climate change and global warming have now transformed into geographic and security realities. Among the major factors threatening the global security landscape, climate change has become a collective concern to human, resources and environmental security. Climate change is an existential threat. The subcontinent and the region is highly vulnerable to effects from rising sea levels especially in places such as Maldives and Bangladesh. Among the projections made climate pattern in Sri Lanka is getting more polarized where the dry zone is getting drier and the wet zone is becoming wetter in the years to come. However, certain responsible individuals pretend to understand climate change, ignoring discomfiting implications of the science.

In the Sri Lankan context, our coastal region comprises 24% of land extent and approximately 25% of total population. Population growth and industries have exacerbated the impact of climate change with exponential demand for ground water and food production. However, the ever increasing demand for fresh water especially in the coastal regions are affecting the ground water recharge systems leading to seawater intrusion, increasing ground water salinity. This phenomenon is severely felt in the Jaffna peninsula, where 29% of land area is below sea level with 160km of coastal stretch. Jaffna peninsula is also host to the country’s largest lagoon eco-system. Environmental studies conducted have confirmed that by 2018, 43% of total paddy land cultivated in the peninsula had been abandoned due to effects of increasing coastal salinity. Less rain fall and high evaporations have aggravated the situation. Overall, there persists a serious imminent threat to our future water and food security.

Meanwhile, climate change has significant implications for maritime security, as it poses a range of challenges and risks to the world's oceans and coastal regions. These challenges can affect the security of nations and have implications for military, economic, and environmental aspects of maritime security. Many coastal nations including Sri Lanka rely on coastal infrastructure for global connectivity, services, tourism, energy production and distribution. Sea-level rise and extreme weather events can disrupt energy infrastructure, affecting energy security. Tourism and related ancillary industries are among the main sources of foreign revenue to the island.

Reinforcing our security environment is not enough. To ensure Sri Lanka survives every citizen needs to play a part in its defence. Citizens need to be integrated into the national defence and security architecture to achieve a seamless all round capability to defend our national interests.

Way-forward

Today’s problems are much more complex, and to be one individual’s fault. National Security is to be achieved through a whole of government and a whole of nation approach. A ‘National Security Policy’, is the pivot towards the envisioned roadmap of our strategic leadership in the transformation process into a first world state. We no longer can be prisoners of circumstances nor blame everything else other than ourselves as we transit through the 3rd decade of the 21st Century. Way forward is by taking control and owning our circumstances through accountability in charting a new passage plan realizing the enduring vision, of ‘transforming into an advanced progressive nation’.

 All is not doom and dark. Yes, we are moving forth into a future of incalculable outcomes. However, it is true that we witnessed the most prosperous period of humanity. Millions have defied the perennial issue of abject poverty and this is the greatest testament of humans’ collective consciousness and progress. In this aspect, Sri Lanka needs to reassess its development path in the realization of a collective and cooperative future in a digitized-globalized world.

  The future shall not define us through the lens of geographical boundaries and identity biases but through our efforts for integration for a shared future. Similarly, though we identify ourselves as Sri Lankans, we must also see ourselves as responsible global citizens in our commitment and deeds for an enduring resolve to humanity’s greatest challenges. This shall be our final frontier in the ‘pale blue dot’.

We need to become a fully functional democracy through pragmatic decisions and a learning society. As humanity has learnt to break free from the shackles of gravity and venture into space - our people, the state and institutions need to learn in breaking from this paradox of underdevelopment and debt. So, let the ‘National Security Policy’ guide our way in this transition process, united as one – One Sri Lanka.

About the Author:

CDR BARI Abeysekara, Sri Lanka Navy, Retired

Retired Commander Abeysekara is a prospective doctoral student at the University of New South Wales, Canberra, Australia. He served in the Sri Lanka Navy for nearly 22 years and retired in April 2024. He holds a Masters in Conflict and Peace Studies from the University of Colombo, Sri Lanka; a Master of Engineering in Naval Weapon Science Technology from Naval University of Engineering, Wuhan, China; and a Master of Science in Defence and Strategic Studies from General Sir John Kotelawala Defence University, Sri Lanka. He earned his BS from Goa University, India, in 2005. He also holds a PG Diploma in Defence Management from General Sir John Kotelawala Defence University, Sri Lanka.