Red carpet in Beijing, Blue Ridge in Colombo

The red-carpet welcome accorded to Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe in Beijing on his just-concluded official visit, and the understandings reached, send a reassuring signal that China continues to be an all-weather friend to Sri Lanka. 

This is in spite of the uncertainties that characterized the relationship during the 2015 presidential election campaign when the yahapalana camp engaged in anti-China rhetoric and Chinese-funded projects came in for some flak.  

Alongside reports of renewed goodwill, what do we make of the Prime Minister’s remarks at a naval officers commissioning ceremony in Trincomalee days before his departure to Beijing? In this speech he calls on the SL Navy to ready themselves to ‘protect international trade routes from the Maldives to the Straits of Malacca’ – clearly aligning himself with US strategic interests in the region. 

The position he articulated here cannot be viewed as being politically neutral. The US’s policy of re-balancing its forces (‘Pivot to Asia’) involves a shift of the US’s strategic focus in order to contain the rise of China. During his visit to Colombo in May last year US Secretary of State John Kerry asserted that “the United States is already providing leadership on maritime security in the Indian Ocean in association with close friends and allies across the region.” And the UNP-led government is eager to fall in step, it appears. Given the huge disparity in power between the two navies it’s obvious who would be calling the shots in any envisaged cooperation. 
It’s relevant to note that the PM’s comments come in the wake of the Indian government having ruled out participating in joint patrolling in the Asia Pacific region as suggested by the US. According to reports India also declined to participate in a quadrilateral dialogue along with Japan and Australia, proposed by US Pacific Command chief Admiral Harry Harris who was in Delhi last month. The purpose of the exercise was to counter China in the South China Sea. With the regional power India demonstrating caution, is Sri Lanka ‘rushing in where angels fear to tread?’ 

Wickremesinghe in Trinco went on to say that Sri Lanka would have to buy more ships, planes and weapons so that the Navy could fulfill this new ‘duty.’ Does this suggest not only that he expects the country to surrender its sovereignty to support the ambitions of the world’s sole superpower, but that he is ready to subsidise that project as well? The implications of this speech do little to reinforce the Prime Minister’s own utterances relating to Sri Lanka’s friendship with China.

Whether the PM’s pro-US inclinations have the endorsement of the president or reflect the views of the coalition government is not clear, given the contradictory remarks made by the country’s president, prime minister and foreign minister at different times, in different places. Where the US is concerned however, there is little doubt that its motives in relation to Sri Lanka are strategic. Sri Lanka was mentioned by the US PACOM chief Harris in his statement before the US’s House Armed Services Committee in February, where he said:

 “Given Sri Lanka’s strategic location, it is in America’s interest to increase military collaboration and cooperation. As conditions permit, USPACOM will expand military leadership discussions, increase Naval engagement, and focus on defence institution building in areas such as demobilizing and military professionalism.”
Why ‘demobilising?’ 

In view of this reference by US PACOM’s chief, Prime Minister Wickremesinghe’s repeated hints about the need to demobilise Sri Lanka’s armed forces now appear in a new light. The question arises as to whether pressure is being brought to bear on him in this regard. We may recall that during Kerry’s visit last year Wickremesinghe wrote to Chief of Defence Staff Jagath Jayasuriya and the three Service chiefs to ‘advise’ them of Kerry’s proposed new role for the Sri Lankan military, of protecting Indian Ocean sea lanes and in UN peacekeeping operations.  The 2015 US-led Human Rights Council resolution against Sri Lanka also aims to emasculate the forces, if not discredit their singular achievement of ending the scourge of terrorism. While it is rational to re-define the role of troops in peace-time, isn’t it the prerogative of the sovereign state to decide on all aspects of that exercise, based on national interest, and without outside interference? 

In spite of the clearly strategic orientation of US interests in Sri Lanka, the docking of the flagship of the US 7th fleet, USS Blue Ridge in Colombo two weeks ago drew little media attention. Senior military leaders of the two countries met on board the Blue Ridge ‘to discuss operational issues’ according to a statement from the Commander, 7th Fleet. The term ‘operational’ would suggest something more than joint exercises. 

At a reception aboard the war ship US Ambassador Atul Keshap had said he hoped “this would be the first of many war ships to come.” In Sri Lanka few were even aware that President Maithripala Sirisena toured the vessel, which was in port from 26-31 March. It’s interesting that Thomas Shannon, US Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs observed not just once but in two separate speeches during a visit in December that Trincomalee had ‘one of world’s finest natural deep water ports.’ The string of visits to Sri Lanka by US officials who, on arrival, make a bee-line to Jaffna and Trincomalee, should by now have given a clue to the nature of the US’s heightened interest in this previously unimportant island.

“What better base for the USA’s massive 7th Fleet than the natural harbour of Trincomalee?” said LSSP leader Tissa Vitharana in a statement published in The Island expressing concern over the PM’s speech in Trinco.  “Sri Lanka too will become a puppet regime of the USA, like the Philippines

and many others …” he said.  

Vasudeva Nanayakkara, leader of the Democratic Left Front told the Daily Mirror “How can Sri Lanka protect international navigation unless there’s a tie-up with a very powerful navy – the support of the 7th fleet, who will ultimately use Trincomalee as a base.” 

Nowadays the US secures its interests abroad discreetly, through agreements signed by friendly states of their own free will rather than military occupation. The Government needs to be more cautious in its utterances about arrangements with the US in military matters, and more transparent about agreements.  It took 10 years for the US to ‘come close’ to signing a logistics agreement with India that would allow the two countries’ militaries to use each other’s resources for refuelling and repairs, according to a New York Times report of 2.3.16. While the yahapalana government continues to pay lip service to Non-Alignment, it would appear that those principles are being dangerously undermined behind the smokescreen of its muddled 
foreign policy.