The Splintered Landscape of Student Organisations in Bangladesh

The students' group that led the protests against Bangladesh prime minister Sheikh Hasina, the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement (ADSM) or ‘Students against Discrimination’ (SAD) initially seemed like a beacon of hope—a platform dedicated to combating the pervasive social and institutional discrimination faced by various groups, especially students. Formed by a diverse coalition of male and female students, SAD aimed to challenge entrenched biases and foster equality within society. However, despite its promising start, the organization has struggled to maintain its relevance. Nine months after the political upheaval that brought it into existence, SAD finds itself marginalized and largely overlooked in the evolving post-uprising political landscape. Its vision of a more inclusive society remains unfulfilled, overshadowed by other priorities and challenges.

Earlier this year a section of the Students against Discrimination (SAD), launched itself as a political party, the 'Jatiya Nagorik Party (NJP)’ or National Citizen Party (NCP) at a rally at Manik Mia Avenue in central Dhaka with one of the key leaders of the July-August uprising, Nahid Islam, as its convenor.  While envoys of the Vatican and Pakistan attended the event, neither Chief Adviser of the Interim government Muhammd Yunus nor any other representative of his council of advisers, attended the function. 

What Bangladesh now has is an increasingly perplexing landscape of student organizations. The National Citizens Party (NCP), also known as the Jatiya Nagorik Party (NJP), and the National Citizens Committee (NCC), or Jatiya Nagorik Committee (JNC), both trace their origins to the same political cradle—the student leaders who spearheaded the Anti-Discrimination Students Movement (ADSM). Emerging on September 8, 2024, these entities share a common lineage yet contribute to a fragmented and bewildering array of platforms, each vying for influence and claiming to represent the ideals of the movement.

In an article published in the Dhaka Tribune on March 3, H M Nazmul Alam, an academic, journalist and political analyst, questions whether the student-led NCP can establish itself as a true political force. He writes, “Had the NCP been formed immediately after the July-August uprising, it could have capitalised on the raw energy of the people, channelling it into a structured political movement. Instead, the delay has allowed competing political forces to reclaim lost ground, diminishing the party’s initial advantage.”

In a March 5 article, Prothom Alo deputy editor A K M Zakaria raised questions about the NCP’s ideology: “The question now is, what will be the ideological differences between the BNP and the new party? Also, to which side will the new party lean? Left or right? A power struggle seems to have emerged among the students of different ideological orientations within the party. The people are curious to see where the party’s ideological stand eventually ends up.” 

On February 26 a section of July uprising leaders and former coordinators of Students Against Discrimination launched a new student organisation, ‘Bangladesh Gonotantrik Chhatra Sangsad,’ amid protests by private university students who claim they were overlooked for posts in its  committee. clashes erupted between Dhaka University and private university students over posts. 

Private university students have felt compelled to protest their exclusion from the newly formed independent body, Bangladesh Gonotantrik Chhatra Sangsad—a move that not only voiced their frustration but also revealed deeper systemic issues regarding representation and inclusivity. Private university students played a pivotal role in the movement on July 18, 2024, when they took to the streets, directly confronting government forces and injecting new energy into the protests. Despite having less direct interest in government jobs compared to their public university counterparts, private university students rallied for political change, broadening the movement's appeal. Students from institutions like BRAC University, East West University, North South University, and IUB united in defiance, protesting the deaths of their peers and standing in solidarity across institutional lines.

The term "chhatra" (student) is universally understood to encompass all individuals pursuing education, regardless of their institution or socioeconomic background. Yet, the exclusion of private university students from such an independent body raises profound concerns. By marginalizing this group, the new platform inadvertently perpetuates the very discrimination it seeks to eliminate, undermining its mission to be a fair and inclusive advocate for change. Raihan Molla, a student of the College of Aviation Technology, expressed frustration, saying, During the July uprising, private university students were the most affected, yet we are facing the most discrimination. We are not being given any posts in the new organisation. The brothers of DU want to keep everything to themselves that is why we are protesting." The protests by the private university students is a powerful statement, demanding recognition of their rightful place within the movement and questioning the foundations of a platform that claimed to represent students.

There have been several other reports of internal conflicts and tensions. Prior to this in August 16, 2024, a coordinator and four assistant coordinators of Chittagong University’s ADSM had resigned from their posts, alleging that the central coordinators took unilateral decisions and ignored their demands.

Since the July 2024 uprising and the subsequent removal of the Awami League government, a multitude of organizations, platforms, and committees have emerged—some as offshoots of SAD, others as entirely independent entities. These groups uniformly pledge to eradicate discrimination and work toward national progress. Yet, a glaring contradiction persists: discrimination within their own ranks. Women, private university students, and other marginalized groups remain underrepresented, exposing a troubling hypocrisy.

The SAD has been in limbo since the formation of the NCP and the Bangladesh Democratic Students Union.SAD spokesperson Umama Fatema said there is currently no established format for the selection of the new leadership and that the SAD was supposed to collaborate with other student organisations to work together to shape the future of student politics. "But, the former members have demonstrated extreme selfishness to protect their over-enthusiasm and favoritism.".

The party's high moral ground has already been tainted by some allegations of corruption and violence. If discrimination within its own ranks wasn't enough, Nahid Hasan Khandakar, the spokesperson for the Rangpur city committee of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement, was found to be guilty of extortion.On 28 February, a video surfaced on Facebook, igniting widespread discussion and criticism. The incident is linked to the illegal extraction of sand under the pretense of developing an eco-park. In the video, Nahid Hasan Khandakar is allegedly heard negotiating an extortion payment of 100,000 taka from the eco-park, along with an additional daily payment of 20,000 taka.  In the recorded conversation, Nahid can be heard telling another individual, "If you feel that you need to make some adjustments, discuss it with our senior. I do not want you to face any difficulties. You are aware of what it takes to run an organisation."

The intolerance within Students Against Discrimination (SAD) has become increasingly evident through a series of incidents that highlight internal contradictions and ideological shifts. In January 2025, a surprise procession in Tangail by a small group of leaders and activists from the banned organization Bangladesh Chhatra League sparked outrage among SAD members. The procession, held to mark the 77th founding anniversary of Chhatra League, drew sharp criticism from SAD leaders and activists, who viewed it as a provocative act undermining their movement. Abu Sher Shah Ahammed, a student representative of SAD, took to social media to express his discontent, reflecting the growing tension and division within the organization.

In December 2024, another incident underscored the rising intolerance within SAD. A scuffle over the passage of a bus from the motorcade of the March for Unity, led by SAD, escalated into clashes and chases in Mollahat upazila of Bagerhat. This confrontation not only disrupted the march but also revealed the fragile unity among SAD activists, raising questions about their ability to maintain cohesion and discipline.

Adding to these challenges is the disturbing ideological shift among some student activists toward Islamist tendencies. This growing affinity for Islamist ideology has raised concerns about potential political collaborations and alliances, particularly with groups like the Jatiya Nagorik Party and Jamaat. Such ideological leanings threaten to compromise the core principles of SAD and could pave the way for alliances that undermine the movement's original mission to combat discrimination and promote inclusivity.

Power struggles and internal wrangling appear to be an inherent feature of all Bangladeshi political parties. However, in the case of the NCP/NJP, these factional divisions are further complicated by the coexistence of conflicting ideologies. The NCP brings together a diverse and ideologically disparate group, including former members of Shibir, Jatiotabadi Chhatradal (the Bangladesh Nationalist Students Party) linked to the BNP, various student organizations from both leftist and fundamentalist Islamist backgrounds, as well as individuals with no prior political affiliations before joining the ADSM. Signs of discord are already emerging, hinting at potential fractures in this fragile coalition.

These developments collectively paint a troubling picture of student’s organisations internal dynamics, where intolerance, ideological shifts, and factionalism risk eroding the credibility and effectiveness, be it of the SAD, the National Citizens Committee (NCP), the Jatiya Nagorik Committee (JNC), the Democratic Student Union or the NCP. For a movement that claims to champion equality and justice, these contradictions highlight the urgent need for introspection and reform to align its actions with its stated values. (Vaishali Basu Sharma - The author is an analyst on geopolitical and macroeconomic issues)